All posts by Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

The Caribbean Sea: A Strategic Area with Many US Allies and Partners

By Wilder Alejandro Sánchez

Written by Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, The Southern Tide addresses maritime security issues throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. It discusses the challenges regional navies face including limited defense budgets, inter-state tensions, and transnational crimes. It also examines how these challenges influence current and future defense strategies, platform acquisitions, and relations with global powers.

In late March, the U.S. Navy cruiser USS Normandy (CG 60) and the Guyanese patrol vessel Shahoud carried out joint exercises in Guyana’s exclusive economic zone and international waters. Washington has many allies and partners across the Greater Caribbean, particularly among the region’s English-speaking nations. Despite having limited budgets and assets, the defense forces of the English-speaking Caribbean are training and increasing their capabilities to carry out missions, which aligns with US diplomatic and military objectives.

Ongoing Dialogue

The good news is that high-level interactions between the U.S. military and Caribbean militaries continue. U.S. Navy Admiral Alvin Holsey, the Commander of U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), traveled to Trinidad and Tobago last December to participate in the Caribbean Nations Security Conference (CANSEC) 2024.

In early January, U.S. Coast Guard Vice Admiral Nathan Moore, Commander of the Atlantic Area, visited Barbados and met with Barbados Defence Force Chief of Staff Brigadier Carlos Lovell. The two senior officers discussed further cooperation on common threats, including transnational organized crime and illegal, unregulated, and unreported (IUU) fishing. Subject Matter Experts from the U.S. military traveled to Jamaica in March and visited the Jamaica Defence Force’s Joint Information and Operations Centre.

The Jamaican Defense Force hosted three key Subject Matter Expert Exchanges (SMEEs) at the Joint Information and Operations Centre in March 2025. (JDF photo)

More recently, Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Guyana, Jamaica, and Suriname in late March. The tour was a chance to address Caribbean defense and security issues: during his stop in the Jamaican capital, Rubio also met with Trinidad and Tobago Prime Minister Stuart Young and discussed the bilateral security partnership and regional security issues.

Recent Acquisitions by Caribbean Forces

Improving Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) remains a priority for Caribbean governments and their defense forces. Hence, regional naval forces acquire new surface and aerial assets for these missions. The Royal Bahamas Defence Force (RBDF) has led the way over the past decade via the Sandy Bottom Project, which enabled the acquisition of a fleet of different Damen-made surface vessels, including patrol vessels. The RBDF has also acquired a fleet of drones. Similarly, the Jamaica Defence Force (JDF) has acquired four offshore patrol vessels, also manufactured by Damen, for the JDF Coast Guard; the HMJS Norman Manley arrived in late 2023.

More recently, the Antigua & Barbuda Defence Force (ABDF) Coast Guard announced in late February the commissioning of a new speedboat for the fleet, hull number CG11-1 Swordfish. This acquisition demonstrates Saint John’s commitment to strengthening the ABDF and improving MDA. Suriname’s Navy is now operating the patrol vessel RSS Barracuda (P501), acquired through a lease-to-buy agreement with Damen Shipyard Group. The ship will have “a crucial role in the protection of the maritime area of ​​the country,” explained the Ministry of Defense. (Suriname’s official language is Dutch, not English, but I will mention it nonetheless).

Guyana deserves special attention. In late 2024, Guyana finally received the 115-foot Defiant patrol vessel GDFS Berbice, produced by the U.S. shipyard Metal Shark. Berbice is the new flagship of the Guyana Defence Force (GDF) Coast Guard and will support maritime operations. Given that Guyana has a border dispute with neighboring Venezuela over Guyana’s Essequibo region and oil-rich waters, acquiring new platforms for the GDF is a priority. In fact, in early March, the Venezuelan patrol vessel ABV Guaiqueiri PO-11 entered Guyana’s exclusive economic zone and harassed oil assets operating there. In a statement, the Guyanese government explained that, “The Venezuelan naval vessel communicated threateningly via radio communication that FPSO PROSPERITY was operating in Venezuela’s exclusive economic zone before continuing in a Southwestern direction towards other FPSOs, to which it delivered the same message.” The Venezuelan Ministry of Defense justified the operation, arguing it took place in contested waters.

GDFS Berbice being launched by Metal Shark in Louisiana. (Metal Shark photo)

The U.S. military and coast guard presence in the Caribbean

The U.S. military, particularly SOUTHCOM, its maritime component U.S. Fourth Fleet, and even U.S. Northern Command (with The Bahamas within its area of responsibility) continue to engage Washington’s English-speaking allies throughout the Caribbean. Engagement is not limited to meetings but also bilateral and multinational military training. For example, SOUTHCOM sponsors the annual exercise Tradewinds, specifically designed for the Caribbean – Trinidad and Tobago hosted Tradewinds 2024. Bilateral training occurs when U.S. warships visit the Caribbean. Passing exercises (PASSEX) are fairly common, case in point, at the time of this writing, in late March, the Normandy and the Shahoud carried out joint exercises, including PASSEX, “in international waters and the Guyana Exclusive Economic Zone to exercise communications and interoperability, and practice joint maneuvers,” according to the U.S. embassy in Guyana.

SOUTHCOM remains focused on Humanitarian Assistance/Disaster Relief (HADR) missions across the Caribbean – and the rest of Latin America. The U.S. hospital ship Comfort is often deployed. However, in recent years, the Spearhead-class expeditionary fast transport vessel USNS Burlington (T-EPF 10) has also traveled throughout the Caribbean to assist populations in need. HA/DR operations are already taking place this year.

The Lesser Antilles Medical Assistance Team (LAMAT) 2025, commenced on 24 February, during which U.S. military medical personnel will visit several Caribbean nations. While LAMAT 2025 does not involve vessels, the humanitarian exercise will provide invaluable medical services to the inhabitants of Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Saint Kitts and Nevis, and Guyana. “All involved agree LAMAT’25 is a win-win scenario, benefiting both U.S. military personnel and partner nations. The mission enhances medical readiness and strengthens partnerships while improving healthcare infrastructure in underserved areas,” explained Air Forces Southern, the aerial component of SOUTHCOM.

The U.S. Navy deployed several assets over the past years throughout the Caribbean as regional countries were hit by deadly and destructive natural disasters, such as hurricanes, floods, and earthquakes. (In previous commentaries for CIMSEC, this author suggested that SOUTHCOM deserves a permanently assigned hospital ship.)

As for security operations, U.S. Navy warships, particularly destroyers and littoral combat ships (LCSs), and U.S. Coast Guard cutters regularly patrol the Caribbean Sea to interdict illicit maritime activities, particularly drug trafficking via vessels and the infamous narco-submarines. Recent platforms deployed to the Command’s area of responsibility include the LCS St. Louis and the Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Thomas Hudner (DDG 116). The U.S. Coast Guard Cutter Valiant unloaded approximately 12,470 pounds (5,656 kilograms) of cocaine in early March at Coast Guard Base Miami Beach, worth an estimated $141.4 million. The contraband was seized thanks to six interdictions in the Caribbean Sea.

Finally, the Caribbean Sea is ideal for testing emerging technologies. At the time of writing, Operation Southern Spear is underway as the U.S. Navy is testing Uncrewed Surface Vessels (USVs). The objective is to test new systems to develop the future U.S. Navy’s hybrid fleet as part of the service’s Project 33. 

Discussion and Analysis

Some Greater Caribbean countries have governments that clash with U.S. diplomatic aims, namely Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. However, the region has many historical and trustworthy U.S. allies and partners. In a recent interview, Belize Defence Force commander Brigadier General Azariel Loria discussed training exercises with SOUTHCOM, including Special Operations Command South (SOCSOUTH) and the Louisiana National Guard via the State Partnership Program. “We are eager to continue joint training exercises focused on countering transnational threats, with the goal of incorporating tactical operations, humanitarian assistance missions, and specialized training on counterterrorism and disaster response,” he said. BG Loria added that the BDF “looks forward to more innovated ways to take our partnership to another level to improve coordination between our land, air, and maritime units.” In other words, the commanding officers of the English-speaking Caribbean defense forces see the U.S. armed forces (including the Coast Guard) as important allies and partners for training and operating together to combat crimes in air, land, and sea. This relationship must not be lost.

The issue of equipment availability and serviceability is an obvious problem within the region. The Caribbean Sea is a large body of water, and Caribbean countries are not one single unified island nation. Depending on the country, each nation can include countless islands, islets, cays and atolls, and a vast maritime territory. Hence, regional naval forces require a fleet of surface vessels and maritime patrol aircraft to properly monitor and command their maritime territory. Certainly, more vessels demand additional expenses like port infrastructure, fuel, ammo, and crew, among other financial considerations, meanwhile defense budgets across the Caribbean remain limited, hamstringing fleets across the Caribbean. However, the examples mentioned in this analysis- the Bahamas and Jamaica acquiring several ships and the more modest acquisitions of Guyana and Antigua & Barbuda- demonstrate civilian authorities’ commitment to assign more budgets for maritime procurement programs.

Unfortunately, the threats of illicit activities and challenges across the Caribbean will remain ever-present. The sea is the preferred corridor for drug trafficking, while IUU fishing and human and weapons smuggling are also constant challenges and threats. An ongoing concern is the crisis in Haiti, which is forcing Haitians to migrate, often via vessels. Moreover, piracy is making a comeback. Last year, there were reports that two Haitian criminal entities, 5 Seconds and Taliban gangs (no relation to the Afghan Taliban), captured the freighter Magalie at Port-au-Prince’s Varreux terminal district, stealing one-sixth of the cargo of rice and took the crewmembers hostage. The situation was resolved when the police stormed the ship. Even though the incident occurred while the ship was docked, the situation in Haiti has become so dire that it now affects maritime shipping.

For the Caribbean, cooperation is the correct answer. Given the threat environment in the Caribbean Sea and limited surface and aerial assets to patrol this vast body of water, strengthening military-to-military relations advances U.S. and Caribbean interests. A lack of sufficient patrol vessels operated by Caribbean coast guards does not mean a lack of willingness to combat maritime crimes. The U.S. government should provide more tools, including a bigger budget for SOUTHCOM. Armed with a bigger budget, SOUTHCOM can expand its low-cost/ high-impact engagements, benefiting all partners across the Caribbean region.

Wilder Alejandro Sánchez is an analyst who focuses on international defense, security, and geopolitical issues across the Western Hemisphere, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. He is the President of Second Floor Strategies, a consulting firm in Washington, DC, and a non-resident Senior Associate at the Americas Program, Center for Strategic and International Studies. Follow him on X/Twitter: @W_Alex_Sanchez.

Featured Image: CARIBBEAN SEA (Mar. 27, 2025) – The Ticonderoga-class guided-missile cruiser USS Normandy (CG 60) conducts a passing exercise with Guyana Defence Force Defiant-class patrol ship GDSF Shahoud in the Caribbean Sea. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Dylan M. Kinee/Released)

BRACOLPER at 50: A Model Multinational Riverine Exercise

By Wilder Alejandro Sánchez

Written by Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, The Southern Tide addresses maritime security issues throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. It discusses the challenges regional navies face including limited defense budgets, inter-state tensions, and transnational crimes. It also examines how these challenges influence current and future defense strategies, platform acquisitions, and relations with global powers.

Multinational naval exercises occur frequently across the globe. They are effective confidence-building mechanisms that promote integration, cooperation, and trust while improving the participating personnel’s capabilities and expertise. The most prominent naval exercises in the Western Hemisphere are the US-sponsored UNITAS, SOLIDAREX, and TRADEWINDS.

However, naval exercises do not solely occur at sea but also occur in inland bodies of water. Enter the multinational riverine exercise BRACOLPER, which, as the name suggests, brings together the navies from Brazil, Colombia, and Peru.

What is BRACOLPER?

BRACOLPER could be the world’s oldest ongoing multinational riverine exercise: the first iteration occurred in 1974, and the exercise has been held annually, except in 1978 and 1981. BRACOLPER 2024 is noteworthy because it marked the 50th anniversary of this initiative. Riverine vessels from the three countries traveled together through the vast network of Amazonian rivers, visiting ports, carrying out humanitarian assistance operations, and training together to prepare for common challenges, specifically transnational crimes. BRACOLPER is divided into three phases; each phase occurs in a different location: Leticia (Colombia), Manaus (Brazil), and Iquitos (Peru), lasting from around July until early-mid September. For example, BRACOLPER 2023 lasted from July to September 2023.

Several riverine vessels participate in addition to marines and aircraft. The ships that participated in last year’s exercise were Brazil’s riverine patrol boat NpaFlu Raposo Tavares (P-21) and hospital vessels NAsH Soares de Meirelles (U-21) and NAsH Oswaldo Cruz (U-18); Colombia’s river gunboat ARC Leticia (136); Peru’s riverine gunboat BAP Clavero (CF-15) and BAP Castilla (CF-16). More recently, BRACOLPER 2024 occurred from 17 July to 9 September, following a similar pattern. In total, 12 riverine craft, three aircraft, and over one thousand military personnel participated in the 50th anniversary of the exercise.

“The exercise is comprehensive, covering areas such as Command and Control, Tactical Maneuvers, Anti-Air Warfare, Special Operations, and Air Operations, [and] also includes Firing Drills, Cyber Defense, and Amphibious Riverine Operations,” explained the Rio Times Online. In BRACOLPER 2023, for example, vessels Raposo Tavares and Soares de Meirelles engaged in an asymmetric threat-exercise, described by the Brazilian Navy as “[simulating] a potentially hostile small vessel which sails close to the patrol vessel.” For the Peruvian Phase of BRACOLPER 2024, maneuvers included an aerial assault via helicopters which deployed marines, “with the support of 10 riverine craft.” Other training exercises include target practice with live ammo and a MEDEVAC maneuver between a Peruvian aircraft and a Brazilian vessel.

Riverine operations are conducted in the Amazon region of Peru as part of BRACOLPER 2024. (Peruvian Navy photo)

Riverine Challenges

Greater cooperation between the armed forces of Brazil, Colombia, and Peru across the Amazon is necessary to face numerous challenges. Drug smuggling makes the most news, given that Colombia and Peru are the two biggest producers of cocaine in the world, while Brazil is a major shipping corridor for drugs to the European market. The infamous narco-planes continuously fly across regional borders with frequent impunity, though on 26 September 2024, the Brazilian Air Force (FAB) intercepted a Cessna 210 aircraft flying without authorization over Brazilian airspace in Amazonas state, by the border with Peru. The crew, to avoid capture, landed the plane and set it on fire before escaping.

Other crimes include smuggling, human trafficking, extortion of local communities, illegal mining, wildlife trafficking, illegal logging, and illegal, unreported or undocumented fishing. In Colombia, civilian vessels along the Magdalena River have been attacked, prompting the Navy to deploy riverine assets.

“The Amazon presents common problems, such as drug trafficking, illegal mining, deforestation, and environmental pollution,” said Rear Admiral Alberto de Araujo Lampert, Commander of the Brazilian Navy’s 9th Naval District, adding, “and these three countries have been operating for 50 years in the search for common solutions through their ships and their Navies, through interaction and the ever-increasing increase in interoperability, the degree of trust between these actors, in the search for common solutions and mutual support.”

The crew of Brazilian Navy hospital ship NAsH “Carlos Chagas” during a damage control exercise during Operation BRACOLPER 2024. (Brazilian Navy photo by First Lieutenant (RM2-T) Victor Cruz)

Many peacetime naval exercises prepare for threats that will only be realized in war. In contrast, BRACOLPER addresses real and immediate threats, and combating them is dangerous. While the pilots of narco-planes, for example, would attempt to flee or surrender, other criminals prefer to fight. Case in point, there have been several incidents of criminals shooting at riverine military craft. Six years ago, a floating barracks in the Arauca River utilized by the Colombian Navy was attacked by an explosive vessel.

More recently, in September 2024, unknown individuals shot at the Argentine riverine patrol boat GC-195 Guaraní, assigned to the Argentine Naval Prefecture (Prefectura Naval Argentina), as it was crossing the Paraná River in a zone known as Puerto Faubel, in the border between Argentina and Paraguay. While the crew was not injured, “the law enforcement vessel… had seven bullet holes in the hull” and two in the superstructure. The attackers, who shot from the Paraguayan side of the river, have not been identified. Video released to the media shows individuals carrying big bags and shooting at the vessel with handguns. Colombian marines aboard a riverine patrol boat were also attacked in October while traveling through the Naya River; the unidentified attackers utilized drones against the vessel.

Analysis

As the author of this analysis has previously discussed (see CIMSEC’s “Naval Operations Across South American Rivers: The “Other” Theater of Operations), there is a natural tendency to think about frigates, submarines, and offshore patrol vessels sailing at sea when thinking about naval operations. However, South American navies are also tasked with patrolling and protecting their inland waters, namely rivers and lakes. With their vast Amazonian territories and a plethora of rivers, the navies of Brazil, Colombia, and Peru have a monumental everyday challenge.

The good news is that the three governments and militaries generally get along quite well, at least in living memory – anecdotally, Colombia and Peru had a war in 1932-33 called the Leticia Conflict, which included riverine warfare. Today, there are constant high-level meetings to maintain communication and cooperation. On 23-27 September, Brazil hosted the XXXI Interamerican Naval Conference, another historical initiative that dates back to 1959.

High-level meetings, communication, and joint training via initiatives like BRACOLPER have a positive effect. In September, the Colombian Navy, Brazil’s Federal Police, with help from the Amazonian Center for Information (Centro de Fusión de Información de la Amazonía), intercepted a speedboat in Catalão Lake, Amazonas state, Brazil. Aboard were “over two tons” of drugs, including marijuana and cocaine. “It is presumed that the seized narcotics came from the triple border between Colombia, Brazil, and Peru and were transported through various river routes to the place of interdiction,” explained the Colombian Navy.

Though regional riverine fleets have achieved much with existing resources, they could benefit from additional assets. As this author has also previously discussed, South American shipyards are enjoying a golden age, with the construction of various complex platforms, including submarines, corvettes, offshore patrol vessels, and multi-purpose transport vessels. Brazilian shipyards, Colombia’s shipbuilding corporation COTECMAR, and Peru’s state-run shipyard SIMA manufacture vessels for riverine operations. SIMA, for example, has built a fleet of hospital-civilian assistance ships called PIAS (Plataforma Itinerante de Acción Social) and small transport vessels for the Peruvian Army. Meanwhile, Brazil has also recently built hospital ships and riverine craft. COTECMAR has done the same and even sold riverine craft to the Brazilian Army around a decade ago.

Given the vastness of the Amazon and the numerous rivers across the region, more personnel and assets (both aerial and naval) are necessary to patrol and protect it adequately. Moreover, some vessels operating across the Amazon are quite old. Colombia’s gunboat, Leticia, which participated in BRACOLPER 2023, was built in the 1950s, though Peru’s Castilla and Clavero gunboats were constructed much more recently, slightly over a decade ago.

The Navies of Brazil, Colombia, and Peru generally enjoy strong relations thanks to constant communication, exercises like BRACOLPER, and a desire to work together to combat common threats. While operations at sea, unsurprisingly, enjoy the most media coverage, riverine operations are just as important. With more limited assets and a highly challenging environment, naval forces in the Amazon, even with the assistance of other services and law enforcement agencies, have a complex and challenging mission. The historical multinational exercise BRACOLPER, five decades old in 2024, is a prime example of an effective riverine confidence-building mechanism in the Amazon.

Wilder Alejandro Sánchez is an analyst who focuses on international defense, security, and geopolitical issues across the Western Hemisphere, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. He is the President of Second Floor Strategies, a consulting firm in Washington, DC, and a non-resident Senior Associate at the Americas Program, Center for Strategic and International Studies. Follow him on X/Twitter: @W_Alex_Sanchez.

Featured Image: A naval parade consisting of ships from the Brazilian, Colombian, and Peruvian navies during BRACOLPER 2024. (Brazilian Navy photo by Cabo ER Iremar)

Do USVs Have a Future in Latin American and Caribbean Navies?

By Wilder Alejandro Sanchez

Written by Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, The Southern Tide addresses maritime security issues throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. The column discusses regional navies’ challenges, including limited defense budgets, inter-state tensions, and transnational crimes. It also examines how these challenges influence current and future defense strategies, platform acquisitions, and relations with global powers.

Unmanned surface vessels (USVs) are sailing full steam ahead, as evidenced by their (deadly) efficiency in attacks by the Ukrainian armed forces against Russian targets across the Black Sea. Though the security landscape in Europe is dramatically different from that of the Western Hemisphere, new technologies are always of interest to any armed service and USVs should be no exception. Whether USVs have a future in Latin America and the Caribbean merits deeper exploration.

Recent Developments

It is beyond the scope of this commentary to list or analyze all USV developments, but it is important to note that new platforms continue to be built and utilized worldwide. In the Black Sea, Ukraine has continued to use its deadly Sea Baby USVs. Several governments and industries want to develop USVs to add to their fleets. In the United States, the Navy’s “newest Overlord Unmanned Surface Vessel Vanguard (OUSV3), was recently launched from Austal USA’s shipyard in Mobile, Alabama,” the service reported in January. Also, the Louisiana-based shipyard Metal Shark is developing the USV Prowler and the micro USV Frenzy. As for future platforms, in Europe, the Netherlands announced its first domestic design for a USV to be used by the Dutch Navy. And in Asia, Korea’s Hyundai Heavy Industries (HHI) and the US software company Palantir Technologies signed a Memorandum of Understanding on 14 April to also co-develop a USV. USV development is flourishing around the globe.

In the Western Hemisphere, US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) has become a testing ground for USV technology. In late 2023, ten Saildrone Voyager USVs were launched from Naval Air Station Key West’s Mole Pier and Truman Harbor to help improve domain awareness during US Fourth Fleet’s Operation Windward Stack. According to SOUTHCOM, “Windward Stack is part of 4th Fleet’s unmanned integration campaign, which provides the Navy a region to experiment with and operate unmanned systems in a permissive environment … all designed to move the Navy to the hybrid fleet.” The command aims to use its Area of Responsibility (AOR) as an innovation hub for the US military, partners and allies, and the defense industry.

(Sept. 13, 2023) – Commercial operators deploy Saildrone Voyager Unmanned Surface Vessels (USVs) out to sea in the initial steps of U.S. 4th Fleet’s Operation Windward Stack during a launch from Naval Air Station Key West’s Mole Pier and Truman Harbor. (U.S. Navy photo by Danette Baso Silvers/Released)

Regarding the late-2023 test, SOUTHCOM’s 2024 Posture Statement explains, “U.S. Naval Forces Southern Command/U.S. Fourth Fleet held its Hybrid Fleet Campaign Event, hosting 47 Department of Defense Commands, 10 foreign partners, and 18 industry partners to foster innovation and experimentation to inform the Unmanned Campaign and Hybrid Fleet.” This experimentation has included advanced kill chains, contested operations, survivability, and sustainment at sea.

Under General Laura Richardson’s command, SOUTHCOM aims to “integrate tomorrow’s technology into our operations and exercises today” by investing in robotics, cyber technology, artificial intelligence, and machine learning to “overmatch our adversaries and assist the region’s democracies.” Expanding SOUTHCOM’s missions to include testing new technologies, including USVs, is another tactic to expand the command’s importance within the US military.

Latin American-made USVs are also on the horizon. In early 2024, the Brazilian shipyard Emgepron announced a partnership with the local start-up Tidewise to manufacture the USV Suppressor. A company press release states that the Suppressor is the first platform developed in the Brazilian or Latin American defense market. Two variants of the Suppressor will be built: the seven-meter Suppress or seven and the 11-meter Suppressor 11. While regional navies have robots for underwater operations like search and rescue, USVs are not yet operated across the region.

A concept image of the Suppressor USV. (Emgepron image)

Do USVs have a future in Latin America and the Caribbean?

While the possibility of inter-state warfare across Latin America and the Caribbean is minimal (Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro’s belligerent statements notwithstanding), there are several non-combat maritime missions in which USVs could be helpful. Dr. Andrea Resende, professor at Brazil’s University of Belo Horizonte (Centro Universitário de Belo Horizonte: UNIBH) and Una Betim University (Centro Universitário Una Betim: UNA), and Christian Ehrlich, director of the Institute for Strategy and Defense Research and a recent graduate from Coventry University with a focus on maritime security, have both made this argument.

Dr. Resende notes that USVs could be used by the Brazilian Navy and other regional navies as intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) vehicles to locate suspicious vessels. For example, USVs could locate vessels engaged in the trafficking of illicit narcotics, the famous narco-boats or narco-subs. Moreover, USVs could locate illegal, unreported, or unregulated (IUU) fishing vessels. There is a tendency to think that distant water fishing fleets (DFW) are the primary perpetrators of IUU fishing in the Western Hemisphere, particularly from China. But, in reality, DWF fleets primarily operate in the South Atlantic and South Pacific, while local artisanal fishing vessels work illegally across Latin America and the Caribbean. USVs would help locate smaller IUU fishing vessels, which are more challenging to locate than a vast fleet of hundreds of ships.

In other words, USVs offer over-the-horizon capabilities for regional navies and coast guards to locate different types of vessels. Imagine an offshore patrol vessel (OPV) deploying a helicopter, a rigid inflatable boat, and a USV; quickly becoming a small fleet with vast surveillance and interception capabilities.

Moreover, USVs have practical applications for other non-combat and non-security operations, like search and rescue missions and scientific operations. Ehrlich noted that USVs can also be helpful for offshore infrastructure, “particularly to protect offshore oil platforms.” The platforms can also be used for near-shore operations, like port security.

POV video captured by Saildrone Explorer SD 1045’s onboard camera showing large waves and heavy weather conditions inside Hurricane Sam in the Atlantic Ocean at 1414UTC, Sept 30, 2021.

USVs vs UAVs and UGVs

Will USVs eventually be a component of Latin American and Caribbean fleets? The short answer is yes, but when exactly this will occur is debatable as acquisition programs vary depending on each service and, unsurprisingly, budgetary issues.

A parallel can be made with unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), which have become quite popular with regional militaries. Virtually every service across the region operates UAVs. In May alone, the United States donated six Aerovironment UAV systems to El Salvador’s military for border patrol operations. Meanwhile, the Brazilian UAV company Xmobots announced the training of 21 Brazilian Army personnel to operate the company’s Nauru 100C UAV. There is a clear proliferation of UAVs across Latin America and the Caribbean.

A ScanEagle UAV on display in a launcher, during the 106th anniversary celebration of Naval Aviation, at the Brazilian Navy São Pedro da Aldeia Naval Air Base, Rio de Janeiro, August 26, 2022. (Brazilian Navy photo)

On the other hand, as this analyst wrote in Breaking Defense, unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs) have not found much interest in Latin America. The Brazilian Army is reportedly interested in European-made UGVs; however, UGVs have yet to become popular among Latin American armies compared to the United States, Europe, and elsewhere.

Will USVs become the next UAV or the next UGV? So far, there are not enough data points for a proper prediction. Emgepron’s Suppressor project suggests that at least one company is willing to test the water, so to speak, to see if there is regional interest. If successful, Emgepron could quickly corner the Brazilian defense market with its homegrown USV.

In his comments to CIMSEC, Ehrlich brought up an important issue: long-term vision. For the maritime security expert, “the culture of regional navies” is the major obstacle to acquiring (or attempting to develop locally) USVs. Regional ministries of defense and navies continue to be focused on “operating traditional systems due to a doctrine that does not foment innovation.” Ehrlich mentioned that only the Brazilian Navy is interested in acquiring or developing USVs, including for potential combat missions.

Meanwhile, Dr. Resende explained that a critical factor is the budget of regional armed forces, which tend to suffer “cyclical crises” for various reasons. “Hence, the budgets for investing in the acquisition and training to utilize USVs may be limited.” Moreover, for Dr. Resende, the future of USV technology is part of a broader discussion of the present and future missions of armed forces since they face “greater restrictions as compared to the armed forces in the Global North.”

Ehrlich’s comments about vision and institutional ambition to develop new capacities are a useful lens for gauging these developments. Unsurprisingly, a Brazilian company, Emgepron, is the first in the region to attempt to develop a USV, given the Brazilian Navy’s strong interest in developing the defense industry. Several other South American shipyards are engaged in ambitious projects, including constructing frigates, offshore patrol vessels, transport vessels, and even an icebreaker; however, the Brazilian defense industry still leads the way. Perhaps if the Brazilian Navy positively reviews the Suppressor USV, other regional navies may also be interested in acquiring it.

Finally, there are obvious physical and technical requirements for a ship to transport and operate a USV, which means some basic adaptations will be needed for any ship to utilize this new technology. Navies with older vessels or a surface fleet composed of small vessels will be less likely to acquire USVs, though they could be utilized for port security and other near-shore operations, so they do not have to voyage far from a naval base.

As the war in Ukraine continues, a revolution regarding military technology is underway, and the word “Unmanned” has become very popular. Latin American and Caribbean militaries have quickly adopted UAV technology; however, UGVs have yet to be widely utilized. Likewise, regional naval forces have yet to show major interest in unmanned surface vessels beyond Brazil, and budgetary, doctrinal & technical issues are still obstacles to greater adoption. While USVs could help Latin American and Caribbean naval forces achieve their missions, not all services are in a position to acquire them. More research is necessary to understand which navies, and ministries of defense, have the long-term vision and interest in this technology. In Latin America and the Caribbean, USVs are on the horizon, but they are not yet ready to dock.

Wilder Alejandro Sánchez is an analyst who focuses on international defense, security, and geopolitical issues across the Western Hemisphere, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. He is the President of Second Floor Strategies, a consulting firm in Washington, DC, and a non-resident Senior Associate at the Americas Program, Center for Strategic and International Studies. Follow him on X/Twitter: @W_Alex_Sanchez.

Featured Image: RNMB Harrier USV. (Royal Navy photo)

The Vibrant Military (and Criminal) Activities Across the Caribbean Sea

By Wilder Alejandro Sánchez

Written by Wilder Alejandro Sanchez, The Southern Tide addresses maritime security issues throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. The column discusses regional navies’ challenges, including limited defense budgets, inter-state tensions, and transnational crimes. It also examines how these challenges influence current and future defense strategies, platform acquisitions, and relations with global powers.

Whether [working] against COVID, transnational criminal organizations, the predatory actions of China, the malign influence of Russia, or natural disasters, there’s nothing we cannot overcome or achieve through an integrated response with our interagency allies and partners.” – General Laura J. Richardson, Commander, U.S. Southern Command

While the Caribbean Sea is currently not as dangerous as the Black Sea or the Red Sea, from combating drug trafficking and illegal fishing to humanitarian assistance/disaster relief operations to a belligerent Nicolas Maduro regime in Venezuela, Caribbean naval forces have many daily missions and priorities. The United States, via US Southern Command and the US Coast Guard, and the armed forces of France, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom – which have overseas territories across the Caribbean – are all present across Caribbean waters and are critical partners of regional defense forces.

This commentary briefly summarizes the joint military Caribbean exercises scheduled for 2024 and other recent high-level meetings to understand the concrete actions regional armed forces are carrying out to tackle the region’s threats and challenges.

Exercises and Training…

Two major multinational military exercises will take place in the Caribbean. Later this year, the US-sponsored multinational military exercise Tradewinds 2024 will occur, with Barbados serving as the host. The Main Planning Conference (MPC) commenced in Bridgetown on January 29. “The main planning conference for Tradewinds 24 underscores our collective commitment to fostering regional security and stability,” said Maj. Angela Valcin, the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) lead planner for Tradewinds 2024. The following “pivotal juncture” in the Tradewinds planning process will be the final planning conference in March, explained the Command.

Also this year, France will organize the multinational Caribbean exercise Caraibes 2024, which will take place on June 1-6. The January 23-24 planning conference held at the Joint Staff of the Forces Armées aux Antilles had representatives of the armed forces from the United States, Canada, Colombia, Trinidad and Tobago, and the Netherlands, as well as numerous other state partners and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The maneuvers are focused “on a scenario involving assistance to the population following a natural disaster affecting the French Caribbean islands.”

Caribbean navies, along with several partners, also train via exercise Event Horizon, a multinational, multi-agency event aimed at strengthening the capacity of Caribbean and Central American countries in areas like maritime law enforcement, aeronautical and maritime research, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR). The 2024 version of the exercise included troops and assets from the Royal Bahamas Defence Force (RBDF), Jamaica Defence Force (JDF), Cayman Island Coast Guard, Turk and Caicos Islands Regiment, the Dominican Republic Navy, and the Belize Coast Guard, in addition to the Colombian Navy and Canadian Armed Forces.

Bilateral maneuvers also occur with regularity, including passing exercises (PASSEX). The French patrol vessel La Combattante trained with the Colombian Oceanic Patrol Vessel ARC Victoria as part of exercise Royal Tucan in January 2024. A Colombian aircraft of undisclosed model and ships assigned to the Colombian Coast Guard also participated in the Caribbean exercises. “Operation Toucan Royal is part of a strategy to combat drug trafficking by sea and its related crimes;” the two navies are engaged in “operational and naval training activities… to enhance the capabilities of the two institutions and improve interoperability,” explained the Colombian Navy. Royal Tucan 2024 was the second iteration of the exercise.

In other words, there is plenty of year-round training across Caribbean waters. The three major Caribbean-focused multinational maneuvers are Tradewinds, Caraibes, and Event Horizon, but there are several bilateral exercises, such as Royal Tucan. (While a land-based exercise, it is also worth mentioning exercise Red Stripe between the JDF and British Army, which took place in January 2024.)

….And Meetings

Finally, while summits between Caribbean presidents and prime ministers with their US and European peers do not occur often, there is robust communication between these militaries. Just this past January, the 4th United Kingdom and Caribbean Heads of Defence Conference took place in Guyana to discuss issues including regional security.

As for the US, Southern Command’s commander, US Army General Laura Richardson, participated in the Caribbean Nations Security Conference 2023, co-organized by Southern Command and the Jamaica Defence Force, last June 2023. A total of 16 nations from across the Caribbean, plus the United States, participated. More recently, the 2023 Caribbean-US High-Level Security Cooperation Dialogue took place last November. A dialogue statement announced how the participating governments pledged to cooperate on issues like maritime law enforcement and maritime security and defense. Specific topics addressed included commencing the implementation of the Caribbean Maritime Security Strategy “to advance sustainable and complementary defense and law enforcement cooperation, improve maritime operational capacity and security,” and also to “employ Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) technology to identify and disrupt illicit networks and more effectively detect illicit maritime activity throughout the Region.”

The examples above highlight constant communication, apart from training, between Caribbean defense forces and their partners.

Ships and More Ships

Apart from the importance of training and high-level meetings, several Caribbean defense forces are in the process of obtaining new vessels to modernize their fleets: the Guyana Defence Force is awaiting to receive a patrol vessel purchased from the US shipyard Metal Shark; the Royal Bahamas Defence Force has purchased four craft from Safe Boats International; and the Jamaica Defence Force (JDF) commissioned its new offshore patrol vessel, HMJS Norman Stanley, in November 2023. While acquisition programs are not as splendid as those of global naval powers or regional powers like Brazil, which is domestically manufacturing submarines and frigates, Caribbean militaries are slowly revamping their naval fleets. With that said, regional militaries require more (modern) ships at sea to properly patrol their vast territorial waters and exclusive economic zones.

The limited size of Caribbean fleets means that regional and extra-regional partners are critical partners. SOUTHCOM, via the US Fourth Fleet and the US Coast Guard, already carries out continuous operations across the Caribbean. (In previous analyses for CIMSEC, the author had proposed that SOUTHCOM should be permanently assigned a hospital ship and one, if not two, littoral combat ships.) Similarly, the three European states with Caribbean territories deploy assets to the region. The Netherlands, for example, has a rotating offshore patrol vessel in the Dutch Caribbean, in addition to the Dutch Caribbean Coast Guard. In January, the Dutch military’s General Atomic MQ9 Reaper unmanned aerial vehicles flew their final surveillance missions across the Dutch Caribbean before their new deployment in Romania. 

Analysis

While the Caribbean does not receive the attention it deserves in Washington, militaries and coast guards have been active across these waters in January 2024 alone, with several important maritime operations: the Dutch Caribbean Coast Guard deployed a Metal Shark patrol vessel and a helo to intercept a small speedboat between Little Curacao and Curacao islands; aboard were packages totaling over 218 kilograms of cocaine. Similarly, The JDF Coast Guard intercepted a vessel transporting “2,600 pounds of ganja;” the operation represents “a major dent against the drug-for-guns trade between Jamaica and Haiti.” As the violence and instability in Haiti will not improve anytime soon, it is important for Caribbean navies and coast guards to have larger, and more modern, maritime and air assets to patrol their own waters to combat crimes related to Haiti.

Also in January, the US Coast Guard Cutter Resolute (WMEC 620) docked in Saint Petersburg, Florida, completing a 60-day mission. The Cutter unloaded “approximately $55 million worth of illicit narcotics” during its operations as part of Joint Interagency Task Force-South. The same month, the Coast Guard Cutter Margaret Norvell (WPC-1105) “offloaded more than 2,450 pounds of cocaine with an assessed street value of approximately $32.2 million” in two separate missions. Drug trafficking continues to be rampant across the Caribbean waters. Hence, Navy and Coast Guard vessels voyaging the seas, not to mention maritime patrol aircraft and UAVs serving as a vital eye in the sky, are necessary to crack down on this never-ending crime. Vessels and supporting aircraft are essential to combat other maritime crimes, such as illegal, unregulated, and unreported fishing, piracy, or smuggling of weapons or human trafficking.

Moreover, HADR operations are vital during the annual hurricane season in the summer months. Past hurricanes like Irma in 2017Dorian in 2019, and Eta and Iota in 2020 devastated Caribbean islands and Central America. As this article was being written, the international media reported that scientists are proposing hurricanes have a Category 6 (the current maximum is Category 5), given that climate change will increase their strength and destructiveness in the coming years. Cooperation and experience to work jointly will be critical when, inevitably, Category 6 hurricanes hit the Caribbean and militaries, including extra-regional partners, are deployed to the frontlines of HADR operations.

While inter-state conflict remains unlikely, the Maduro regime in Venezuela remains a security concern, certainly not for the United States, with threats to neighboring military-weaker Guyana especially concerning. The collusion between the Maduro regime and drug-trafficking cartels makes the regime even more of a regional and global concern. In late 2023, the British patrol vessel HMS Trent voyaged by Guyanese waters to support Georgetown against controversial and belligerent statements and actions by the Nicolas Maduro regime, including a December 2023 referendum.

This year is already shaping up to be full of capacity training and joint interoperability training for Caribbean naval forces, given exercises Tradewinds, Caraibes, and Event Horizon, not to mention several bilateral exercises. While the situation across the Caribbean is not as dire as the Black Sea or the Red Sea, its geographical proximity to the US, the plethora of regional allies, the ever-present drug trafficking (among other crimes), and upcoming natural disasters mean that Washington should provide relevant agencies and partners with more assets and resources.

Wilder Alejandro Sánchez is an analyst who focuses on international defense, security, and geopolitical issues across the Western Hemisphere, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. He is the President of Second Floor Strategies, a consulting firm in Washington, DC, and a non-resident Senior Associate at the Americas Program, Center for Strategic and International Studies. Follow him on X/Twitter: @W_Alex_Sanchez.

Featured Image: Belize Defense Force, Meixcan Marines, and US Marines conduct culminating exercises including vehicle takedown, search and seizure, arrest, riot control, and building raids May 19, 2022 at Belize Police Training Academy for Tradewinds 2022 (Belizian government photo by Spc. Emiliano Alcorta).