San Diego CIMSECians rejoice! Our San Diego Chapter will be having its first informal meet-up (no-host happy hour). No formal agenda, just bring yourself and a desire to chat with maritime folk on the issues that concern you. Eric Hahn is organizing the outing and can be reached at sandiego@cimsec.org for more details.
Where: The Fish Market, 750 North Harbor Drive (by the USS Midway: https://mapsengine.google.com/map/edit?mid=zIJGW4d6Azao.kX5JVKNV3uy4)
By now it is no secret that the U.S. Navy is the service in the best shape for 2014. However, a decade of combat operations and two decades of underinvestment have left the Navy too small and inadequately equipped to meet all of the growing demands placed upon America’s men and women in uniform. The military’s equipment is old, unreliable, increasingly obsolete, and insufficient in number.
Last year I coauthored a paper on Representative Mac Thornberry’s defense acquisition reform initiative. The reforms would help to free up resources for badly needed weapons modernization and put the Department of Defense on a sustainable fiscal path. The reforms would also help keep new ships under construction and existing ships maintained.
To be fair, fixing problems with defense acquisition would not remedy all that ails the Navy and the broader defense program. Strengthening the program will require an array of different initiatives, of which the most important and most immediate is breaking the impasse over the federal budget in a way that preserves adequate overall defense funding and replaces the current structure of sequestration. Nevertheless, defense acquisition reform is a necessary initiative within this array.
To ensure that effective reform is implemented, Congress should:
Ensure accountability for major acquisition. Congress should reverse its inclination to centralize acquisition authority and micromanage the acquisitions process. Instead, it should authorize the services to regain responsibility for acquisition programs, allowing flexibility and decentralization in management.
Implement performance-based logistics. Despite the success of previous performance-based logistics, Congress continues to exercise bias against private contractors. Instead, Congress should incentivize a performance-based approach, managed by public-private partnerships.
Repeal the outdated Federal Acquisition Regulation and Defense Federal Acquisition Regulation Supplement. Certain provisions, including the reduction in non-value-added overhead currently imposed on the industry, should be eliminated.
Reduce DOD overhead. Congress should ensure that the Defense Business Board staffing recommendations are implemented and that DOD fulfills its commitment to a 20 percent reduction in civilian and military headquarters funding.
Reform the auditing process. Congress should require DOD to follow best practices in managing its finances. Money saved from the proper and timely payment of invoices and the consequent reduction of interest penalties should be put back into acquisition; the funds saved as a result of improved audits should also be returned to acquisition accounts.
Reform and reduce security clearance costs across the DOD enterprise. Congress should prioritize reforms that reduce cost, push for major improvements in the timeliness of investigations and adjudications, reduce unnecessary redundancy and waste, and streamline policies and procedures.
Disciplining the Acquisition of High Technology. Define Technology Readiness Levels (TRLs) up front and use that to bound requirements. Require better funding balance of research and development (R&D) and procurement; having on ramps for new technologies (spiral development) but requiring they be funded through R&D, conversely baring using R&D for procurement.
Defense Base Closure and Realignment (BRAC). Adopt a new approach for assessing the military’s infrastructure requirements while taking advantage of lessons learned from the previous BRAC. This new approach must be global, transparent, and conducted in close discussion with affected communities.
Acquisition Workforce Reform. Focus on the longevity and Knowledge, Skills and Abilities (KSAs) of senior leaders.
Contracting Reform. Eliminate measures that reduce efficiency and add cost, particularly stopping abuse of small business set asides.
The Navy continues to juggle the pivot to the Asia–Pacific and unforeseen requirements in the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile, the sea service is also struggling to determine the future of its surface fleet. Reforming the defense acquisition process is critical for making the most of each dollar spent on our national security.
Emil Maine is a National Security Research Assistant at the Heritage Foundation, where he conducts independent research on U.S. defense posture. The views and opinions expressed in this article are his own.
After losing Puntland’s presidential election by a single parliamentary vote, incumbent president Abdirahman Mohamed Farole extended his congratulations to his opponent Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gaas, a former prime minister of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG). UN and EU envoys praised the autonomous state’s January 8 election, decided by the votes of 66 parliamentarians appointed by clan elders, as a model for Somalia-wide democratization. The maritime security community should also take note, as Ali Gaas, a U.S-trained economist, will preside over the original heartland of Somali piracy. One of the many issues facing the president-elect is what to do with the Puntland Maritime Police Force (PMPF)—a marine militia described by its supporters as Somalia’s most effective counter-piracy force and by its opponents as the Farole administration’s Praetorian Guard.
Puntland president Abdirahman Mohamed Farole (left) and president-elect Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gaas (right).
A Controversial Legacy
Farole came to power in 2009, a year in which Somali pirates attacked over 215 ships and operated with impunity from Puntland’s shores. The president’s answer was the PMPF, an elite coastal force that would deny the pirates their onshore sanctuary. The marines, trained by a South African private military company and financed by the United Arab Emirates (UAE), quickly grew to a force of 500 troops supported by a fleet of small ships, aircraft and armored vehicles. Security operations commenced in March 2012 and succeeded in disrupting pirate bases across the remote Bari and Bargaal regions. In late December 2012, the PMPF rescued 22 sailors held hostage aboard the MV Iceberg for almost three years. With Puntland-based piracy largely eliminated, the marines turned their attention towards encroaching al-Shabaab militants, using their expat-piloted helicopters to provide air support during several skirmishes in early 2013.
While operationally successful, the PMPF was politically contentious. A January 2012 report from the UN Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group lambasted the marines “as an elite force outside any legal framework, engaged principally in internal security operations, and answerable only to the Puntland presidency.” Later that year, the president’s son Mohamed Farole became director of the PMPF, a cause of inter-governmental tension given his lack of military experience according to inside sources. On October 29 2012, the marines blockaded the residence of Ali Gaas in order to prevent him from campaigning among local politicians and clan elders.
A Difficult Decision
Ali Gaas pledged to improve Puntland’s security during his victory speech, but has yet to comment on his policy regarding the PMPF. Piracy may be suppressed, but many gangs are now diversifying into other illicit ventures such as arms smuggling and protection services for illegal fishing fleets. An al-Shabaab bombing against a PMPF convoy on December 5, 2013 further underscores the high level of insecurity that persists in the region. In the face of these challenges, what might the new president’s plans be for the contentious marine force?
Though the marines would later be used to impede his campaigning, it is important to note that Ali Gaas was a vocal supporter of the PMPF during his tenure as TFG prime minister from June 2011 to October 2012. When the UN Monitoring Group accused the PMPF’s South African trainers, Sterling Corporate Services, of breaking the 1992 arms embargo on Somalia, Ali Gaas responded with an official letter on November 16, 2011, advocating that the UN “approve the waiver for training and enforcement capabilities for Puntland State of Somalia to actively fight piracy and strengthen regional and maritime security.” A month later, the prime minister’s office re-clarified that “the TFG fully supports the efforts of Puntland authorities.”
Despite the labeling of the Puntland marines as Farole’s “private army,” it is unlikely that Ali Gaas will dismantle the PMPF when he assumes office. It is expected, however, that the outgoing president’s son and other Farole loyalist will not retain their leadership positions (whether they help themselves to the PMPF’s valuable collection of equipment and vehicles on their way out is another question). Securing a steady source of funding to maintain the PMPF’s marines, bases, vehicles, and expat mentors will be a pressing concern for Ali Gaas. The bulk of current financing comes from UAE, but it remains to be seen if this arrangement will continue under a new president.
The PMPF base camp in Bosaso, Puntland is the largest such facility in the region (Photo: Robert Young Pelton)
A Federal Marine Force?
There are indications that the former TFG prime minister envisioned the PMPF as a model of coastal security that could extend across Somalia. In April 2012, Ali Gaas’ office authorized Sterling Corporate Services to select and recruit soldiers from the Somali National Army to join the PMPF training camp in Bosaso, Puntland. The move was blocked by African Union (AMISOM) peacekeepers, however, which prevented the soldiers from embarking at Mogadishu airport. After the departure of Sterling in mid-2012, a US-registered security company, Bancroft, proposed a reversal of this plan, in which men and materials would be dispersed from the Bosaso base to a number of small coastguard cells across the Somali coast. This idea was rejected by the Farole administration, however, which was reportedly loath to cede control of its elite marine police force to the federal government.
Relations between Puntland and Mogadishu continued to sour over the next year. In late July 2013, the new Somali Federal Government announced that it had signed a deal with Dutch private maritime security provider Atlantic Marine and Offshore Group to establish a coastguard to combat piracy and secure Somalia’s exclusive economic zone. The deal received a hostile response from Puntland officials, who saw the contract as an “unacceptable, inapplicable and unsuitable” violation of Puntland’s territorial sovereignty. In early August, the Farole administration suspended relations with the federal government.
With a former TFG prime minister now coming to power in Puntland, observers anticipate a more conciliatory relationship between the state and federal governments. While a Somalia-wide coast guard or navy remains a distant prospect, the opportunity is now ripe for confidence building measures among local security forces. The PMPF maintains the most advanced training facility in the country and could once again offer to train marines from across Somalia if an acceptable deal can be worked out with the federal government and AMISOM. Supporting such an endeavor would be attractive option for the EU’s maritime security capacity-building mission (EUCAP NESTOR), which has thus far been unable to carry out its mandate in Somalia due to the country’s insecurity and fragile political arrangement.
While Ali Gaas may be tempted to keep the PMPF under the direct control of the presidency, a more advisable option would be for the Puntland parliament to pass legislation that defines the force’s power, status, and responsibility. Doing so could serve to legitimize the PMPF in the eyes of the international community, opening new lines of desperately needed funding. “There is internationally consensus that the PMPF should be ‘legalized’ and integrated into the regular security structures of Somalia,” an EUCAP NESTOR officer remarked, further noting that “The international community is studying how that best can be done and how the government of Somalia could be supported in that respect.”
Puntland’s model of democracy is unorthodox by western standards and so too are its maritime police forces. Both, however, have demonstrated resiliency in the face of great challenges and may come to serve as templates for the rest of the country. As foreign warships and armed guards begin to depart the Horn of Africa, local marines will be the only thing standing between the pirates and their prey.
James M. Bridger is Maritime Security Consultant and piracy specialist with Delex Systems Inc. The opinions and views expressed in this post are his alone and are presented in his personal capacity. James can be reached for comment or question at jbridger@delex.com
The old adage “a picture is worth a thousand words” is imprecise. More accurately, a picture is similar to an inkblot in a Rorschach test in which viewers interpret each image differently. So it is with the former private security firm Blackwater. The recent publication of “Civilian Warriors: The Inside Story of Blackwater and the Unsung Heroes of the War on Terror” by the founder of Blackwater, Erik Prince, provides another view of that picture. Blackwater came to worldwide attention with the 2004 tragedy at the Fallujah bridge, when four employees were murdered and publicly mutilated demonstrating the immediate power of the internet. Then came the media scrutiny, the congressional investigations, and civil court action. Prince’s book is an important addition to the body of work on PSCs in Iraq but, for the purposes of CIMSEC readers, there is a maritime aspect to the story which unfortunately receives scant mention in the book.
A former Navy SEAL, Prince founded Blackwater in Moyock, North Carolina as a training facility for military and law enforcement officers with numerous shooting ranges where some 1.5 million rounds were expended every month. One of his first contracts with the Navy was worth $7 million and trained one thousand sailors a week for the first six months. By Prince’s calculation, Blackwater eventually trained approximately 70,000 sailors. As Blackwater’s contracts expanded in Iraq and Afghanistan, Prince turned to the experts in the field and hired ex-Navy SEALs for protective details such as for Paul Bremer. Prince makes the point that Blackwater never lost a person whom they were responsible for protecting.
At its height in 2007, Blackwater had over twenty-five hundred employees deployed in nearly a dozen countries. But they weren’t simply providing protection to government officials or convoys. Blackwater also had an aviation component – Presidential Airways – which primarily provided logistics support. Presidential flew “more than 70,000 missions worldwide, transported 270,000 personnel, and delivered 50 million pounds of cargo and mail.”
Blackwater also sought to build a maritime component. Unfortunately, Prince’s book barely mentions this aspect to his company with only one paragraph in the entire book. As the threat of Somali piracy in the Gulf of Aden began to increase in 2007, shipping companies slowly recognized that there were insufficient naval assets but were still hesitant to employ private security teams. In this environment, Prince identified a business opportunity. “We created Blackwater Maritime Security Solutions,” he writes, “the centerpiece of which was the MCARTHUR, a 183-foot former National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration research vessel that we retrofitted to carry two Little Bird helicopters, three rigid-hull inflatable boats, and a few dozen Blackwater personnel.”
In 2007, a lengthier version of a paper I wrote for a Naval War College course was accepted by Orbis, the quarterly of the Foreign Policy Research Institute which the editor re-titled “Blackwaters for the Blue Waters: The Promise of Private Naval Companies.” Shortly after that article was published, I learned about the MCARTHUR. A few weeks later, I was invited to spend a day on the ship in Norfolk and a second day touring Blackwater’s facility in Norfolk. For the next year, the ship prepared for its intended mission. Tom (in some cases only first names will be used for this article) was hired by Blackwater as its Director of Maritime Operations to identify a ship, refit it, and get it to sea. The MCARTHUR was purchased for a reported $300,000 but it would take several million more to make her compliant with Coast Guard regulations as a US-flagged ship. Tom and Prince had considered flagging her under the Marshall Islands, a flag of convenience, but they elected to make it fully regulated by the United States at that time. “Without the cert[ifications],” Tom told me, “the ship is just a piece of steel. It’s like a pile of wood costing $5,000 but the house costs $1 million.” A major shortcoming of MCARTHUR was its speed. It could only make 12 or 13 knots – not enough to protect most ships transiting the Gulf of Aden. The decision also subjected them to the Jones Act requiring all U.S.-flagged ships to have U.S. citizens as crew in coastal waters, and allowed up to 25 percent of a foreign-born crew.
In the course of the next year, the number of pirate attacks necessitated a change by the shipping industry. At various maritime security conferences, the firms were adamantly opposed to the use of private armed security teams citing liability issues and the likelihood in the increase in violence. As one major shipping firm told me, “we’ll NEVER use armed guards.” Eventually the industry changed its position, including the firm which said “never.” To date, no ship with an armed security team has been taken by pirates. Several countries soon followed suit.
By January 2009, Blackwater was offering more than just security teams, like some other firms it offered an escort vessel.
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Inauguration Day, 2009. The Beltway (I-495) around Washington was as devoid of cars as it was on September 11, 2001. Four hours later I arrived in Norfolk to meet with Tom at the pier where MCARTHUR was tied up. Having already written a few articles about private maritime security companies and interviewed several companies, I informed Blackwater that I was working on a book (the eventually co-edited “Maritime Private Security: Market Responses to Piracy, Terrorism and Waterborne Security Risks in the 21st Century” Routledge, 2012.) I requested access to the ship and an interview with Prince. Both were accepted with few conditions. I could ask the crew anything I wanted to, I could photograph anything, but I could not ask Prince about Iraq.
MCARTHUR mess decks (photo by author)
The first day was spent on MCARTHUR. She was different than when I had last seen her. The blue hull was gone and replaced by a flat black paint with large white letters along each side spelling “SECURITY”. I later learned from the captain of the ship, Joe, that that had been his suggestion to Prince. Since the ship would be providing escort duties in the Gulf of Aden it should seem more menacing and clearly state its purpose (although it is unknown how many Somali pirates can read SECURITY in English).
Tom and I had lunch in the mess deck. The crew wandered in and out, most eating quietly alone then returning quickly to their duties. There was one noticeable difference between this crew and a US Navy warship’s crew: age. Blackwater’s crew is significantly older, with the average around 40 years old. This was similar to my tour of Blackwater’s hanger for Presidential Airways in Moyock where everyone had gray or white hair. These were people with experience, most retired or having left the military. At the end of my table were Greg and Stormy, two of the ship’s mates. Greg was a graduate of one of the maritime academies. Stormy, one of the only women I saw on the ship, had been a Navy Boatswain’s Mate. After lunch I wandered into the galley to speak with the two stewards, one a former Marine cook and the other a former Navy culinary specialist (CS).
Bridge of MCARTHUR (photo by author)
For the next three hours, I was on the bridge and throughout the ship speaking with the 50-year old captain of MCARTHUR, Joe, who had been at sea since the age of 15 experiencing the knockdown 70 foot waves between the Falklands and Georgia Islands in the South Atlantic. He talked about Sunday inspections, the lack of micromanagement from the firm, and the discipline of the crew (an assertion that would be challenged only weeks later when the ship pulled in to Jordan). His mission to the Gulf of Aden was clear: “we’re a bouncer on the water. If a boat challenges [the ship we’re protecting], we’re turn to let them know. We’re going to keep a force field around our clients.”
Joe selected the ship’s crew but the security contingent was the responsibility of Hugh, a 40-year-old former SEAL. “There isn’t anyone nobody knows or hasn’t worked with,” he tells me. All are former military, Coast Guard, or domestic law enforcement. The youngest is 30. Forty percent are military retirees. Hugh had already prepared for the mission by speaking with the entities in the region including with the naval attache to Nairobi, and the officers with CTF 150, CTF 151, and Operation ATALANTA. “We’re being transparent and we’re getting the word out there is another set of eyes and ears out there.” I asked him if MCARTHUR itself might be a target. “[The pirates] will take a run [at us] just because. We’ll be tested. Why wouldn’t we be.”
But Hugh, like Tom, Joe, and Prince recognized the larger issue. “We know we’re not the solution to the problem,” Hugh says of security at sea. “The problem is on shore.” Tom, a US Coast Guard-licensed boat captain and Vietnam-era veteran of the Air Force, adds, “we’re not out to shoot people; we’re out to scare them off.”
The remainder of day I wandered around the ship with Tom – crew berthing, the engine room, an area for the gym, and an infirmary in case the ship is used for humanitarian assistance missions. The ship, like the Presidential Airways hangar I had visited at the corporate headquarters in Moyock, was immaculate. It was cleaner than any ship I had been on – including cruise ships except for ocean liners like the Queen Mary II. Tom points out the RHIBs that Prince briefly mentions in the book. One person tells me they cost $300,000 a piece while another person says they were $475,000. In either case, Tom tells me they cost more than the ship itself before its refit.
MCARTHUR RHIB (photo by author)
The refitted MCARTHUR had an accordion-style hangar able to house two Little Bird helicopters, the type Blackwater used in Iraq. They’re not on board the ship. I was told that to reduce the cost of the ship for escort duties, the Little Birds would not be aboard for the first missions. Instead, the ship would rely on commercially-available UAVs.
The following day I met Erik Prince in the wardroom of MCARTHUR. The transcript that follows is my interview with Prince that day.
BERUBE: Can you walk me through the process of when you decided to add a maritime security component to Blackwater? When you did it, why, and what you envisioned at that point?
PRINCE: Between the work we were doing with Azerbaijan, hired by DoD to do that, previous problems in the Straits of Malacca, to NSW operations in the Philippines, we wanted a platform that could be a maritime forward operating maritime base. Piracy patrol, training to be a target vessel for NSW-type units to go against, kind of a Swiss Army knife at sea. Hugh, when was that in Azerbaijan?
HUGH: We started out in 2004 was the original assessment. We’ve had the ship for a year and a half, two. We had the open house, I remember, in September 2007 and the boat just came out of the yards. We went through extensive refitting, overhaul.
BERUBE: If this proof of concept works, do you envision expanding this operation. Do you expect buying more, diversifying with regard to the type of boats that you’ll be looking at?
PRINCE: I’ll give you the example we’ve done on the aviation side. 2003, we bought a company that did specialty lifts for the U.S. military an arranged aircraft for a static line jumpmaster courses and free fall schools and those kind of things. It was Presidential Airways and we went from one aircraft to more than seventy now that we own and operate for the U.S. government around the world doing lift, medevac, that kind of stuff. We’d like to replicate that same model at sea. Multi-use, cost-effective platforms that can do training, medical support, homeland security training, capacity building, humanitarian support, counter-piracy operations, ISR support platform, all those kind of things. [Prince discusses Presidential Airways and its operations in his book Civilian Warriors.]
Wardroom bookshelf (photo by author)
BERUBE: Do you look at projections for U.S. forces to see where there might be potential gaps industry could fill?
PRINCE: Sure. That’s why we’ve got the demand on airlift that we do because for the last twenty to thirty years the U.S. has bought heavily to fight that Fulda Gap kind of fight. C-130s, C-17s, C-5s, and they don’t have the short, ugly, slow cargo airplanes that fly into small airstrips. The same the Navy has facilitized with a lot of nuclear submarines, with carrier battle groups and all those kind of things, they’ve facilitized for a state on state navy fight and whether its piracy or tsunami response having a small ship that can operate independently, doesn’t have to be in a battle group. It can operate with a small footprint that doesn’t necessarily have to have the huge force protection requirements with a big target on its side that a U.S. Navy vessel does. You can go in and train doctors, train port security people to know how to interdict weapons of mass destruction or narcotics or weapons or whatever, it’s a small footprint ability to go do stuff. In North Africa, we operate some aircraft for airlift for medevac and logistics with the U.S. military and we operate that with a pilot, a copilot and a loadmaster who also happens to be a mechanic. It’s an infinitely smaller footprint than what a U.S. military C-130 crew would have. So same analogy. What do you think, Tom, this thing crews up with 14 or 15?
TOM: 12 crew, two stewards
BERUBE: Once the ship gets underway, can you explain to me how the command structure works? Once the ship gets underway, do you as the corporate executive – essentially commander-in-chief if you want to use that analogy – at what point do you let go, at what point do they request direction from the chain of command here?
PRINCE: On the aviation side we work directly for the U.S. government so there’s a clearly defined command structure. It’s always been different for the Navy that when you slip the ways and you get underway there’s a lot more authority and responsibility that resides with that ship’s captain because an airplane stays aloft for five hours, ship’s at sea for extended periods so they’ll be sent with clear guidance and clear right and left of what they can and they can’t do. We’re going over there to be defensive security escort business, escort merchant ship from a point in the water for the next 24 to 36 hours, escort them through the high threat area and then turn it over. The guys here understand a lot more the maritime law and the dos and don’ts. They’ll have a clearly defined use of force continuum for defensive actions to be taken against pirates. There’ll be contracts with the ship owners that we expect them or the ship’s masters that we expect them to do with course and speed and stay in the convoy and stay in the group. I’m not going to try to do that from twelve time zones away. Just like I give guidance, we have helicopters and aircraft flying in and guys doing work if they are Americans in trouble, the Good Samaritan rule applies. Now the Good Samaritan rule also has other meanings when it comes to maritime law, if a ship calls for help and asks for it, there are salvage laws and all kinds of things that can apply if we provide support services to someone who wasn’t contracted to do so. But they’re smart on those laws. They know we send proven professionals out there to do a job adapted to the market realities in truly ungoverned space and the seas – the U.S. Navy at 600 ships or 1,000 ships truly can’t control all the world’s oceans at a time. It doesn’t matter. There are truly ungoverned areas. We’ll at least go provide a security blanket around customers that hire us.
BERUBE: As I understand the law now, the Combatant Commanders in say Irag and Afghanistan have some control, some influence, there’s some relationship now with private security firms. Taking that now to the Gulf of Aden, is there any operational requirement to deal directly with CTF 150, [CTF] 151, Fifth Fleet – is there any obligation as a U.S. flagged boat to conduct information sharing or anything like that? Is there any reporting structure once you’re in theater?
[Here, at his request, Prince and I discuss the issue off the record for several minutes.]
HUGH: We’ve been meeting with a diverse group of shipping folks at all levels. There is tremendous confusion industry-wide about what to do with the pirates when they’re taken, rules of engagement, insurance issues…obviously this has been going on a long time, it’s in the limelight now.
BERUBE: Yesterday there was an inauguration, a new Administration. Do you see any potential political challenges, given the past few years of how some Democrats in Congress have responded to private security firms? Do you see that specifically as a challenge with your maritime operations?
PRINCE: First, I think most of the criticism of private security, they’re not so much focused on private security, they’re focused on opposition to the Iraq War and its conduct, how it was executed. On the maritime side, it’s global ship owners, shipping industry that would be hiring us to assist them over there so the U.S. government, of course they get to vote, but it’s not a government contract. It’s a non-defense service that we’re providing.
BERUBE: So long as you stay business-to-business rather than with potential government contracts, you’re more immune to that criticism?
PRINCE: Yeah, but whether it’s Darfur, whether it’s piracy, whether it’s a response to some disaster, there are needs. There’s a hue and cry for the government to do some. As we have in the past, as we will in the future, we will provide a cost-effective means to respond to get things done. It’s not the total solution. The MCARTHUR being in the Gulf of Aden will not solve piracy but it will at least assure the clients that will hire us that their boats will not be taken.
BERUBE: Do you envision any potential circumstances or political challenges where you would say, “all right, let’s switch the flag, we’ll continue to have U.S. citizens aboard…”
PRINCE: Anytime there’s American citizens involved, all the U.S. laws follow after. As long as I’m an American citizen, that’s not a realistic option. That being said, the U.S. can make it so difficult that no American citizen wants to be in this business so the more cries there are to hammer on this industry, it can drive other folks out of this industry on the American side and the U.S. government will be left with British, South Africa, or any tax-haven registered companies and it’s not the transparency and the accountability or the standards that they want to operate with. Look at the big security contracts on the ground in Iraq or Afghanistan. There’ s a lot of presence of non-American companies that don’t have nearly the roots, the U.S. government doesn’t have the reach, so that’s a line the Administration’s going to have to walk.
BERUBE: Did you have any lessons learned from your land-based operations that you’re carrying over to your maritime operations?
PRINCE: Cameras. I actually got asked that question by numerous folks, “what’s your experience in this?” Well, really the tactics, techniques, the procedures, the training. You take the dirt out from underneath of it and you put water and it’s really the same thing. The layered defense, the defense in depth concept, all of that that we’re doing in various places doing security applies to this in theory and then putting against that the experience of the guys we’ve talked about before, that level of maturity, the age of the guys and you plug that into the program and it doesn’t matter if you’re on land or on sea.
BERUBE: What about lessons learned from a public relations standpoint?
PRINCE: We’re going to be out in front of it this time. From the public relations standpoint for the work in Iraq, the State Department bars us from talking to the media. That’s why an unhealthy head of nonsense and total misperceptions existed by us because by contract we’re not allowed. In this case, there’s no U.S. government involvement. We can talk and embed the media as much as we want, as much as we deem appropriate. Sit down with you, talking with major news magazines that want to ride along and see what it’s like out there and we’ll show them what it’s like.
BERUBE: So it’s going to be complete transparency, without violations of OPSEC?
PRINCE: Yeah, but we’re not doing anything Secret Squirrel out there. We’re escorting boats. Now if we get to the negotiation side we’re assisting insurance companies with that kind of work, obviously there’s mandated discretion because that kind of customer would demand that but that’s the next bridge to cross.
BERUBE: Some suggest that this is not the role of private entities and that it should be state navies or international coalitions. How do you respond to that?
PRINCE: Nature hates a vacuum. The U.S. government or state entities can’t be everywhere all the time and can’t provide all the protection so if there’s gaps, the federal government doesn’t protect shopping malls or schools or a lot of other entities. That’s generally filled by the private sector. If someone goes on travel to a safari to Africa and they get hurt, they maybe call the Embassy and the Embassy will give a medevac service to call, but that is done by the private sector. So when a U.S.-flagged vessel is in trouble on the high seas there’s not always going to be a U.S. Navy vessel that’s going to be available. I can’t imagine the size the Navy would have to be to have quick response time all over the surface of the ocean. The country was founded with significant input from private organizations. Even in the Marine’s hymn they talk about “from the Halls of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli.” Even on that there overland expedition there were eight Marines and 250 contracted Greek [the operation led by Major William Eaton]. That was America’s first overseas expedition barring pirates. So privatizing trash collection or phone service is controversial. This can be controversial to some folks, especially if it involves guns or danger. We’ve kind of accepted that and moved on. Because nature hates a vacuum and gets filled.
BERUBE: Can you tell me about the culture you’ve tried to develop at Blackwater but more specifically with this maritime operations organization. Is this organization different than how you’ve built other segments of Blackwater. What do you look for in people that you’re taking on for this mission?
PRINCE: We hire can-do people. Folks that are going to figure out a way to get it done in the most fast, efficient, cost-effective manner. Flying an aircraft in a remote of Africa we don’t have a huge infrastructure to support them so they’ve got to figure out how they’re going to fix their airplane, what parts they’re going to need. They’re going to fix it. They’re going to make stuff happen. That’s the kind of folks that we expect to put to sea. The operators are certainly going to be SEAL or Coast Guard type of background.
BERUBE: If you don’t have enough individuals with U.S. military or law enforcement experience, would you consider as part of the operations side looking to British SAS or…
PRINCE: We’d love to do that. We’d do that right now but it becomes a compliance nightmare with the State Department. Even putting Filipino stewards on the ship or non-American guys to help out with the basic ship’s services that would make it much more cost-effective, but the State Department regulations make it a regulatory nightmare.
BERUBE: Is that different from land-based operations? Is it simply because it’s at sea?
PRINCE: If there’s anything happening with a gun or a small boat operation in a security environment and they can somehow witness that, that would be a transfer of military knowledge. Even a guy chipping paint next to a guy cleaning a gun.
BERUBE: Where do you see the growth of the maritime portion of this industry?
PRINCE: The Straits of Malacca have gotten better. The tsunami wiped out a number of pirate villages. I don’t think anything’s going to change in the Gulf of Aden unless nation states can go over land and put some kind of functioning government back together in Somalia. There’s lots of ungoverned places in Africa, even off the coast of Nigeria you’ve got security issues against the oil platforms. We’ll get out there and see what we can do on piracy issues. One of the areas we’d like to go after is fisheries enforcement. You have hundreds of countries around the world that don’t really have effective coast guards and navies. The economic exclusive zone goes out 200 miles. You have multinational fishing fleets that come out of Russia, China, Japan, Korea and they pillage. They take whatever fish they want and no one stops them. I think we can build a business model around enforcing a country’s fishing laws. We’d provide a boat like this. We’d take a fisheries officer or two from the host nation and we’d go out and enforce their laws and we’d get compensated by enforcing license fees and if there are repeat violators, you seize the boat. There’s impound fees to get the boat out. And we build a sustainable fisheries industry which will put locals to work. It’s their water for 200 miles.
BERUBE: But a lot of those are ungovernable lands like Somalia or they are failing states.
PRINCE: They don’t have to pay us. We get that from licensing fees. But the problem is the illegal fishermen, that’s where you need some level of uncorrupt level of governance to make that work. But we’re going to try.
BERUBE: Assuming you have large fishing vessels registered to countries like China or Russia, you might find some opposition to your proposal within the UN.
PRINCE: It might not be a state-sponsored activity. Russian organized crime, they flag some in some tax havens and they do their fishing, they sell it to the processor on the high seas. A lot of those ships are truly stateless as well. In terms of piracy or illegal fishing, I think by dollar volume there’s a lot more illegal fishing going on the world than there is piracy.
BERUBE: At what point do you foresee pursuing that option? Have you begun entering negotiations?
PRINCE: We floated the idea to Ambassadors and some folks. They’ll eventually think about it and their people.
At the conclusion of the interview, I asked him one more question: “can I go with the MCARTHUR?” Prince is surprised. “As crew or security?” he asks. “Neither,” I responded. “I want to be an embedded reporter for the first six weeks of the MCARTHUR’s escorts.” Prince pauses for a few moments, nods his head, then turns to Tom: “Can we get berthing for him?” Tom responds that they can provide something. “Okay,” Prince says, “Coordinate with Tom and we’ll see you in a few weeks.” The MCARTHUR will have an embedded reporter.
In the course of the next few days, I resigned my position as an adjunct faculty member and gained correspondent credentials from a newspaper, contacted offices in the region, and met with the shipping company Maersk in their Rosslyn, Virginia office. In addition to submitting articles, I planned on compiling a broader book about piracy to include the Navy (since I had served off Somalia a few years before) and the shipping industry itself. Maersk agreed to let me pay for a stateroom on a ship from Norfolk to Djibouti and then another on the return trip from somewhere in the region.
Memorial park at Blackwater’s headquarters (photo by author)
Afterward
The realities of the ship and its operations were more like the Rohrshach inkblot.
The morning before I was supposed to get underway from Norfolk, I received an email from Tom. The MCARTHUR made it across the Atlantic but it was in Aqaba, Jordan not Djibouti. In addition, it had no clients, despite my being told that shipping companies would commit once the ship was underway. After speaking with my editor, I decided not to make the trip. I cancelled the Maersk component as well. For the return voyage in April, Maersk had offered me one of three ships as options depending on my schedule and location – one of the three options was MAERSK ALABAMA.
The captain and crew also allegedly experienced other realities with three members of the crew filing lawsuits for a series of actions including verbal and physical abuse, racial harassment and unlawful imprisonment for speaking with a reporter without permission from the company.
The MCARTHUR never found a client. It was eventually sold and renamed EATON (likely after the same Barbary War-era Major William Eaton whom Prince referred to during the interview.) and later the Comoros-flagged MANDEEQ.
Prince currently lives in Abu Dhabi, UAE.
Claude Berube teaches naval history at the United States Naval Academy. He is the co-author of three non-fiction books and the author of The Aden Effect, his debut novel. You can follow him on Twitter at @cgberube. The views are his and not those of the Department of the Navy.
San Diego CIMSECians rejoice! Our San Diego Chapter will be having its first informal meet-up (no-host happy hour). No formal agenda, just bring yourself and a desire to chat with maritime folk on the issues that concern you. Eric Hahn is organizing the outing and can be reached at sandiego@cimsec.org for more details.
