By Bill Bray
In July 1944, at the height of the greatest naval war in human history and arguably the U.S. Navy’s finest hour, a Secretary of the Navy “Board to Study the Methods of Educating Naval Officers” concluded that the process to award appointments to the U.S. Naval Academy was failing to produce “the best possible officer material.” This report agreed with the Academy Superintendent’s Special Post-War Curriculum Committee and the Naval Academy Board of Visitors reports for 1943 and 1944—the Navy must “improve [its] present method of selecting candidates if [it is] ever to obtain the best possible officer material.”1
In researching the history of the Naval Academy admissions process, I found this not an anomaly—a mere case of the process temporarily falling short, veering off track, or failing to keep pace with changes in American society. In fact, until the latter decades of the 20th century, both Academy and Navy leaders were consistently frustrated at the obstacles they faced in selecting the best and brightest applicants.
This past May, the Secretary of Defense directed the service academies to cease considering race, ethnicity, and gender in admissions—candidates must be evaluated “exclusively on merit.”2 This order implied, although did not explicitly state, that at some point in the past “merit-based” admission was the norm and only politically-driven considerations of race, ethnicity, and gender forced the academies to lower the standard and, by extension, weaken the U.S. military’s warfighting capability.
However, no pure merit-based admissions process ever existed—and never will. Set aside the difficulty of agreeing to criteria for a merit-based “whole-person standard” (an Academy goal from its earliest days), a partially subjective admissions process will remain the case even if the new directive did not include a major exception to ensure the Naval Academy’s 36 varsity athletic teams can recruit the talent they need. And some subjectivity in forming each Academy class is a good thing.
Historically, the Academy never selected—indeed could not select—only the best candidates based on merit. Two main reasons for this are the statutory requirement for Academy classes to be geographically diverse and the inevitability of political patronage in the nomination process. In one sense, one could claim the Naval Academy admissions process has always been a Congressionally-mandated diversity, equity, and inclusion program.
Geographic Diversity and Academic Qualifications
From its founding as the Naval School in 1845, Congress took into law the Naval Academy’s system for nominations and appointments, ensuring young men from all states and territories had a fair chance at admission—a specific kind of geographic diversity baked into the process at inception. The first legislation, approved 3 March 1845, stated:
“That midshipmen shall hereby be appointed from each State and Territory with reference and in proportion, as near as may be, to the number of representatives and delegates to Congress; that in all cases of appointment, the individual selected shall be an actual resident of the State from which the appointment purports to be made, and that the District of Columbia be considered as a Territory in this behalf.”3
For the citizens of the republic, this type of equity (fairness) was accepted without debate. It did, however, prevent the Naval Academy from selecting the best candidates for admission. First, schools across the nation varied greatly in quality, as did state education laws and standards. There also was no national education department in place to hold states to minimum standards in return for federal support. Many states had no reliable method to certify secondary school completion and proficiency. Because of this, the Academy required candidates with nominations to pass an entrance exam to secure an appointment (later known as the Regular Method of admission). The exam originally tested reading, writing, arithmetic, and geography. It was revised several times and by the 1920s included more advanced subjects, such as plane and solid geometry, physics, and chemistry.
The goal was to ensure candidates could reasonably pass the four-year curriculum (first introduced in 1851 and reformed to something similar in kind to civilian colleges after the Civil War when the Academy returned to Annapolis from Newport). This seemed a reasonable and efficient method to select the most qualified candidates. However, to ensure candidates from all parts of the country had a realistic chance of passing, the examination had to be elementary enough.
By the 1870s, it was clear that simply passing the exam was a poor predictor of subsequent academic success. According to Lieutenant Commander W. G. Greeman, “In 1873, the Board of Visitors found that, during the past ten years, 36 percent of the midshipmen admitted were dropped before they reached the second-class year and less than 46 percent of those remaining graduated.”4 The 1879 Board recommended harder exams and the 1884 Board appointed a special committee to investigate the standard of entrance to the Naval Academy.
By 1897, the Academy, which had followed the advice of later Boards and made the entrance exam more rigorous still, was the target of backlash from members of Congress who believed the exam had been made too difficult and were advocating “adjusting standards of entrance to the average high school curriculum of four years.”5 This is another early example of Congress championing fairness in the process—Americans from poorer areas with substandard schools should not be disadvantaged at no fault of their own in gaining an appointment. The exam was not changed substantially again until the 1920s.
By 1920, the Academy was accepting a modest number of fleet sailors and Marines each year (usually from its preparatory school, established in 1915), along with some sons of World War I veterans. Many, if not most, of these candidates would not have competed well against regular candidates from quality high schools or colleges, yet Congress felt it important to give them a “boost” and reward them for their service or their families for their sacrifice. This is laudable and generally uncontroversial, but make no mistake—not all fleet candidates would make it through the rigorous program and those that did not took spots from others who likely would have.
While Academy officials ostensibly had found the right balance for an entrance exam by the early 1900s, another problem had reached a point at which they and Congress felt change was needed—“the evils of cramming in the fitting schools.”6 Using previous Naval Academy entrance exams, private tutors offered cramming to prepare candidates for the next exam. They were not cheap, and candidates from affluent families took advantage. Cramming services also created headwinds for another Academy effort to attract higher-quality applicants. Young men already attending college were reluctant to cease their studies for months to relearn material from high school just to pass the exam. Therefore, the Academy was unable to attract many of these better-qualified candidates as well.
The Certificate Method
As the quality of U.S. public education was improving in the early 20th century, the Academy began considering a school certification process as an alternative appointment path to the Regular Method. In 1904, the Board of Visitors recommended “a certificate of graduation from a high school accredited by one of the standardized associations or agencies of the country to be accepted as evidence of the requisite education.”7 This recommendation was not formally adopted until 1920, although the Academy did so that year only after it did not have enough applicants to fill the class of 1924. Beginning in 1925, those opting to use the certification method also had to take a substantiating exam in mathematics and English because several states still had unsatisfactory high school certification programs. Nevertheless, two academic paths to an appointment now existed and the Academy again began to incrementally increase the rigor of the entrance exam to try and level the two methods and ensure the quality of candidate each produced.
The 1930s saw substantial changes to the Academy’s academic program, beginning with Superintendent Rear Admiral Thomas C. Hart’s reforms that coincided with the Academy being finally accredited to grant the bachelor’s degree. But the problems of geographic diversity and education disparity persisted. Writing in Proceedings in February 1945, the Secretary of the Academic Board at the Academy, Captain Walter C. Ford, had much to say on this topic that is worth quoting at length:
“The methods of qualifying to the Academy, together with the congressional system of appointment, at a glance appear to be very just and reasonable. The general objective of the system is that every boy in the United States, whether from the city, hamlet, or farm, from the university, college, private or public school, or the fleet, will if he desires have a fair and equal opportunity to attend the Naval Academy. The specific objective of this system is to secure for the Navy the best qualified officer material that can be found in the United States, regardless of the candidate’s economic status, social position, race, creed, previous educational opportunities, or political connections. Our democratic form of government as well as the Navy would not tolerate differentiation of any kind. The objectives as stated, therefore, are considered desirable and essential. The question is, however, ‘Does the present system really accomplish its objectives?’ From the point of view of the general objective-of equal representation from all parts of the country—the answer is ‘Yes.’ The present system, however, fails to a considerable extent in the accomplishment of the specific objective. This failure can be largely attributed to three causes: (1) The unequal educational opportunities available to the youth throughout the nation; (2) the present system of Naval Academy entrance examinations; and (3) the lack of authority on the part of the Naval Academy to exercise judgment in the final selection of a candidate…It is a well-known fact that two candidates, one from New England and the other from the South, for example, who submit high school certificates showing the completion of courses in United States History, English, Science, and Mathematics, neither possess knowledge of, nor have covered, the same body of subject matter.”8
In the 1930s and 40s, the Academy was consistently required to accept candidates far inferior academically to those from states with better secondary school systems and, despite many initiatives to remediate them while at Annapolis, contributed to a stubborn attrition rate of greater than 25 percent. Given the urgent need for naval officers during these years, a high attrition rate correlated to a flawed admissions process rather than validating the program’s rigor. Ford wrote:
“. . . 8,358 entered the Academy in the classes from 1934 to 1947, and only 6,232 were graduated. These figures alone reveal that something must be definitely wrong with our present system of selection. If our system were really selecting the best qualified of the 43,547 applicants—which we should assume would be the 8,358 who were admitted—surely the attrition at the Academy should be far less than the approximately 25 per cent which has existed for the past ten years.”9
In the decades after World War II, the adoption of better state certification standards, national standards, widespread use of the College Entrance Examination Board (CEEB; and later the SAT and ACT), and a general improvement in U.S. secondary school education combined to minimize the problem that so alarmed Ford. The Academy class of 1963 was the first to be admitted on CEEB scores instead of entrance exam scores.10
In 1962, the Academy began a more formal process to evaluate a candidate’s character and motivation—the Naval Academy Information Program (known more commonly as the Blue and Gold Program), which began more as a recruiting program before evolving into a character-evaluation interview, the result of which becomes part of a candidate’s whole-person multiple. Evaluating candidates’ moral character prior to 1962 relied on the nominating Congressperson’s judgment and recommendations from teachers and coaches. While hardly scientific, a Blue and Gold Officer interview added another component to the admissions calculus.11
Politics and Patronage
The other built-in facet of the Academy admissions process that makes a pure “merit-based” system impossible is political patronage. This applies not only to the congressional nomination process as defined in statute, but also to the non-congressional appointment allocations, also in statute (the president, vice president, Secretary of the Navy, and few Superintendent nominations). Undoubtedly, any process that relies in part on the judgment of elected politicians who always have favors to repay risks falling short of a merit-based standard. And that is exactly what plagued the Academy for decades.
In 1935, the Superintendent, Rear Admiral David Foote Sellers, received a letter from a 16-year-old boy asking for information on how to gain admission. In the letter, the boy wrote, in part: “I hope you can help me get to Annapolis. Does one gain entrance through competitive examinations, by ‘pull’ with some congressman, through early application, or how?”12 The boy’s suspicion that gaining admission to the Academy might require gaining favor with a congressman was understandable, precisely because that is exactly how many candidates acquired nominations. In fact, in the 1930s and 1940s, approximately 200–300 appointments a year were given to congressional nominees who had not even applied to the Academy.13 They were young men who had come to the member’s attention, often through a political donor or other well-connected parent, and nominated to repay a favor or campaign support. This was not always the case, and many of these nominees went on to be fine naval officers, but more than one superintendent petitioned Congress to only designate as their principal nominees the best-qualified as opposed to the best-connected. The refusal of many in Congress to do that, however, was a recurring source of frustration to Academy leaders.
Principal nominees always have had to meet the minimum admission requirements, including passing the entrance examination or meeting the certification standard, and passing a physical examination on arrival (many did not and were sent home), so it is not as though the Academy had to accept clearly unqualified nominees. It was often the case, however, that the Academy preferred alternates who had done far better than the principal on the entrance examination or who were far superior in other categories, only to be forced to accept the principal nominee.
Congress has never relinquished this privilege, and while the process of competing for nominations varies markedly by member, it is often opaque and vulnerable to influence by political donors. In fact, a 2014 USA Today investigation found that nominations often went to:
“children of friends, political supporters and donors to the lawmakers’ campaigns. . . . It is not always a meritocracy. The nominations are open to political influence. There are no consistent standards for nominations. The requirement that each congressional district be represented means that better candidates in more competitive districts sometimes lose out.”14
Of note, only the Coast Guard Academy does not require congressional nominations and can select the candidates it finds best qualified, regardless from where they come. There is no reason to believe Congress will ever allow the other military service academies to do the same.
Varsity Athletics
While stationed in Newport, Rhode Island, in 2015 as a Chief of Naval Operations Strategic Studies Fellow, I researched officer education and, in that capacity, visited the Naval Academy Preparatory School, from which I had graduated in 1984. As mentioned previously, it was established in 1915 to prepare sailors and Marines in the fleet to attend the Naval Academy. In 1968 it was opened to all candidates. This coincided with a new age in college athletics—now a multibillion-dollar industry in which Division I coaches are paid to win. Coaches need athletes to win, and the “recruited” athlete often, though not always, gains admission ahead of more qualified “whole-person” candidates.
In 2015, there were approximately 250 students (midshipmen candidates) at the prep school and approximately 50 percent of those were recruited athletes (53, or more than 20 percent of the school, were recruited football players). About 35 percent of the most recent prep school class are recruited athletes.15 The Naval Academy has 36 varsity sports (tied with Stanford and Ohio State for the most, though with a far smaller student body size at 4,400; Stanford has about 7,800 undergraduates and Ohio State 46,000), and approximately 15–20 percent of each incoming class comprises recruited athletes. All recruited athletes must meet a minimum standard to complete the program, and many excel academically and as leaders. In addition, as Navy leaders regularly remind the public, the Academy, unlike a civilian college, has a physical mission. Yet it remains unavoidable that many recruited athletes would not gain an appointment under a process “based exclusively on merit.”16
The Academy Today
Given this history, the years-long Academy policy to, in limited cases, consider race, gender, or ethnicity in admissions (as a factor but never the factor) should be understood in this context, regardless of one’s views about its justification. Unlike political patronage, which was often blatant corruption that resulted in weaker candidates with nominations gaining appointments, the goal in the affirmative action era was to give extra consideration to candidates from historically marginalized groups to rectify past wrongs and, perhaps more importantly, to ensure an officer corps that represents the nation it serves. A military alone does not go to war—a nation does. Having a broad representation of a nation’s society leading the military increases the will of the population to support the war (no less than Carl von Clausewitz made this point). Should this type of diversity include race, ethnicity, and gender is debatable, but what has been clear from 1845 is that there are larger, good-of-society objectives to consider in recruiting the nation’s military officer corps.
It also should be noted that, despite service academy efforts to increase the percentage of Black and other racial minorities, the results have been somewhat underwhelming for those who place a premium on demographic percentages. Recent Naval Academy classes have been between 6 and 8 percent Black, well under the nearly 14 percent of the population from which they come. This owes to many causes, including the fact that nearly 20 percent of Black Americans (and 17 percent of Hispanic Americans) live in poverty and do not have reliable access to better schools and many other resources that could make them more competitive for service academy appointments.17
Both parties in Congress are responsible for this as well. In 2021, the Connecticut Veterans Legal Center in collaboration with Yale Law School’s Veterans Legal Services Clinic concluded congressional service academy nominations are far less diverse than U.S. society at large:
“Using nearly 25 years of nomination data obtained from admissions offices at the United States Military Academy (USMA, commonly known as West Point), the United States Naval Academy (USNA), and the United States Air Force Academy (USAFA), the report reveals a drastic gap between the nominations of White students and those of students of color to the academies. Black and Hispanic students are distinctly underrepresented, receiving only 6 percent and 8 percent of sitting congressional members’ nominations, respectively. White students, on the other hand, receive an outsized 74 percent of nominations. The report ranks members of the current Congress based on their record of promoting students equitably to these prestigious, taxpayer-funded institutions. The rankings, which include each current member of Congress who has made more than 10 nominations since taking office, reveal that 49 members had not nominated a single Black student as of early 2019.”18
With the service academies under pressure to increase its population of minority (particularly Black) midshipmen, many Congresses gave academy leaders limited opportunities to do so.
Better Than Ever
Academy leaders, for the most part if not always, have sought to admit the best candidates to form a highly talented brigade. Indeed, from class after class great naval leaders have come, including many who lead the Navy and Marine Corps to victory in World War II. While the debate over what best constitutes the right mix of accomplishments and skills to form a whole-person, merit-based multiple likely will never be settled, the Academy succeeds in seating extremely talented classes each year. These classes are not only geographically diverse but diverse in many ways beyond race, ethnicity, and gender. Most military leaders with whom I served agree that a force populated with Americans from all backgrounds and experiences, who bring different ideas and skills, is a better force and worth pursuing even without considering race, gender, and ethnicity.
Moreover, evaluating character and leadership ability is necessarily subjective and does not account for an individual’s growth potential while at the Academy. All Naval Academy graduates know classmates who struggled mightily in their first year or two only to flourish later in the program and go on to be superb naval officers. No whole-person, merit-based multiple can predict this potential with a high degree of accuracy.
Considering race, ethnicity, or gender in admissions may never have been justifiable or wise, or perhaps it was at one time but is no longer needed, or perhaps it was justifiable and is still needed to a degree. Whatever one believes, an argument against considering race, ethnicity, or gender should not be based on returning the admissions process to a purely “merit-based” system that never existed in the first place. Could such a system one day be designed in a way that could gain enough support in Congress to be written into law? I have my doubts. What I know is that contemporary Naval Academy classes have more than 1,000 talented, intelligent, motivated, patriotic midshipmen from all backgrounds and regions of the country. That’s a lot better than it used to be.
Bill Bray is a 1988 U.S. Naval Academy graduate and an adjunct professor at the U.S. Naval Academy. The opinions in this article are expressed in a personal capacity and do not constitute official views of the U.S. government, U.S. Naval Academy, or U.S. Naval Institute.
References
1. CAPT Walter C. Ford, USN, and CDR J. Burrough Stokes, USNR, “The Selection and Procurement of Better Candidate Material for the Naval Academy,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings 71, no. 2 (February 1945): 131–45.
2. HON Pete Hegseth, “Memorandum for Senior Pentagon Leadership, Defense Agencies, and DoD Field Activities: Certification of Merit-Based Military Service Academy Admissions,” 9 May 2025. 10 U.S. Codes 7442, 7443, 8454, 8456, 9442, and 9443 govern the Congressional and non-Congressional nominating and appointment processes for the U.S. Military Academy, U.S. Naval Academy, and U.S. Air Force Academy. These statutes do not direct or constrain how each Congressperson’s office manages their nomination processes—they are free to identify principle nominees, rank-order their alternates, or simply submit a list of (now) 15 nominees to each academy and allow the service academies to select the best qualified and grant appointments to the number of vacancies each Congressperson will have that year (each Congressperson can only have five nominees in each academy at any one time).
3. Ford and Stokes, “The Selection and Procurement of Better Candidate Material,” 132.
4. LCDR W. G. Greenman, USN, “Entrance Requirements, United States Naval Academy,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings 53, no. 6 (June 1927): 722–32.
5. Greenman, “Entrance Requirements,” 727.
6. Greenman, 727.
7. Greenman, 730.
8. Ford and Stokes, 134.
9. Ford and Stokes, 135.
10. Jack Sweetman, The U.S. Naval Academy: An Illustrated History, 2nd ed. (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1995), 215–16.
11. CDR Roger Lindsay, USNR, “The Blue and Gold Officer—His Naval Academy Commitment,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings 96, no. 3 (March 1970): 113–15.
12. CDR A. H. Rooks, USN, “Entrance Requirements of U.S. Naval Academy,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings 61, no. 10 (October 1935): 1468–8.
13. Ford and Stokes, 134–5.
14. Gregory Korte and Fredreka Schouten, “Pride and Patronage,” USA Today, 15 September 2014.
15. Email from CAPT Tom Clarity, USN, commanding officer of the Naval Academy Preparatory School, 30 May 2025.
16. Hegseth, “Certification of Merit-Based Military Service Academy Admissions.”
17. Emily A. Shrider et al., Report Number P60-273: Income and Poverty in the United States: 2020 (Washington, DC: U.S. Census Bureau, September 2021).
17. “Congressional Nominations for Military Service Academies Fail to Reflect Nation’s Diversity,” Yale Law School,17 March 2021, law.yale.edu/yls-today/news/congressional-nominations-military-service-academies-fail-reflect-nations-diversity.
Featured Image: ANNAPOLIS, Md. (June 30, 2022) The U.S. Naval Academy welcomes the midshipman candidates, or plebes, of the Class of 2026 during Induction Day 2022. (U.S. Navy photo by Stacy Godfrey)

